The
top five under-covered Catholic stories of 2013
It's an "All Things Catholic"
tradition to dedicate the first column of the new year to the most
under-covered Catholic stories of the previous 12 months, which in the past has
always seemed a good use of time given the sporadic and often radically incomplete
coverage the church typically draws.
This year,
however, it feels a little silly to be talking about Catholicism as
under-covered, given the astronomic media interest generated by the resignation
of Benedict XVI and the rise of Francis.
If the coverage
we've seen this year isn't enough, one might fairly ask, what exactly would be?
Yet an ironic
aspect of the "Francis effect" is that it's actually become tough to
tell any other Catholic story on most media platforms because whatever appetite
there is for church news is entirely fed by pope-mania. Even coverage of
Francis himself has left some important pieces of the story in the shadows,
often focusing on stylistics and personality rather than substance.
As a result, there
are a surprising number of narratives that slipped through the cracks, despite
the fact it sometimes feels like the world's commercial networks are becoming
satellites of Vatican TV.
For purposes of this countdown, I'm
omitting already-familiar storylines that have temporarily been shoved to the
backburner -- the sex abuse crisis, for instance, or the crackdown on American
nuns, or controversy in the States over the Obama contraception mandates. They
were amply covered before and doubtless will be again.
Instead, I focus
on five storylines that never really had much traction, especially in American
and English-language media, and that are worth another look.
5. Allam and heartburn for
ideologues
The
highest-profile Catholic convert during the Benedict years was Magdi Cristiano
Allam, an Egyptian-born politician and essayist who rose to fame in Italy as a
fierce critic of radical Islam. Allam was personally received into the church
by Benedict XVI during the 2008 Easter vigil Mass, but announced in late March
that he considered his allegiance "expired" because of a
"softer" line on Islam under Francis.
Allam published an
essay adding four additional reasons for his defection: what he called the
built-in "relativism" of Catholicism, its inherent tendency to
"globalism" (instead of defending Western culture and values), its
"do-gooder" streak, and its imposition of unrealistic teachings on
sex and money.
Aside from the
debatable fourth point, Allam was basically right on the first three.
Although
Catholicism has teachings it considers anything but relative, it encompasses a
variety of interpretations and expressions of those teachings. Catholicism is
inherently global, ever more so in a time when two-thirds of the 1.2 billion
Catholics on the planet live outside the West, and it also does have a gaggle
of do-gooders. Whether that adds up to a reason to spurn the church is, of
course, a different matter.
In itself, the
loss of Allam wouldn't crack any list of the year's major Catholic
developments, even in Italy. In all honesty, his on-again, off-again conversion
probably did more damage to his own credibility than to the church's missionary
fortunes.
However, there's a
moral to the story that gives it larger significance.
What it
illustrates is that anyone drawn to Catholicism primarily on the basis of
political considerations, whether they come from the right or the left, is
destined to be frustrated. Catholicism simply isn't a political party, and it
has enough internal diversity to give ideologues of any stripe a serious case
of heartburn.
Among other
things, this suggests a word to the wise for anyone feeling a tug toward
Catholicism today because of perceptions that it's moving to the left under
Francis. Take the Allam story to heart because if your faith is based on no
more than a political wish list, it may have a short shelf life.
4. The church's Italian problem
It's possible that
the influence and reputation of the Italian bishops reached a new low in 2013.
One sign came in
national elections in February, when both the Vatican and the Italian church
wrapped technocratic Prime Minister Mario Monti in a warm, loving embrace, yet
Monti barely drew 10 percent of the vote and finished in an embarrassing fourth
place. While Monti had political handicaps of his own, it's striking how little
difference the bishops' support meant.
Here's another:
The headline of a recent national poll about which institutions Italians trust
was that the church has gained 10 points since the election of Francis.
However, that bump brought its trust level up to just 54.2 percent, meaning
fully half of the country remains skeptical. (For the record, the church
finished well behind Italy's forces of order.)
Say
"church" to most Italians and they think "bishops," so in
effect, the survey was a referendum on the hierarchy.
Even more telling,
ambivalence about Italian churchmen wasn't just found at the grassroots, but
perhaps even more strongly within the College of Cardinals.
In effect, the conclave of 2013 was the most antiestablishment
papal election of the last 100 years, fueled by a strong sense among prelates
outside il bel paese that the Italian old guard had run the
Vatican off the rails. The leaks debacle was the final nail in the coffin, but
it was hardly the only one.
Here's why this
matters for Catholics in other parts of the world.
For centuries, the
Italian episcopacy has formed the church's central nervous system. They supply
the vast majority of the Vatican's diplomatic corps and a disproportionate
share of the place's other movers and shakers. Prelates from major Italian
dioceses, such as Milan, Bologna, Florence, Venice and Genoa, are points of
reference around the world, and the Italian bishops' conference, CEI, is a
major tone-setter for other groupings of bishops.
A slow-moving internationalization of church leadership perhaps
makes the Italian contribution less critical than once upon a time, but as long
as the Vatican remains in Rome, as long as future generations of churchmen
study there and absorb the rhythms of Italian ecclesial culture, and as long as
Italian is the de facto working language of the church, the
overall health of the Italian episcopacy will be relevant indeed to Catholic
fortunes.
One measure of the
"Francis effect" thus profiles as his ability to lead a renewal of
the hierarchy in his own backyard.
One step in that
regard came Monday, when Francis named Bishop Nunzio Galantino the new
secretary of the Italian bishops' conference while allowing him to serve
part-time while remaining in his diocese.
Galantino is seen
as cut from Francis' cloth, known in his small southern diocese for living in a
small room at the seminary rather than the bishop's palace, keeping his own
calendar and answering his own phone rather than having a secretary, driving
himself in a simple car, and insisting on being called "Don Nunzio"
rather than "Your Excellency." When Galantino was made a bishop, he
asked people not to give him gifts but to donate to the poor.
A typical Francis
footnote is that he wrote to the people of Galantino's diocese to "ask
permission" to borrow their bishop, saying, "I know you won't like
that he's being taken away, and I understand," and then asked them to
"forgive me." If not unprecedented, it's certainly rare for a pope to
apologize in such a direct way to the people affected by a personnel move.
3. A new patron for Christian
martyrs
One unfortunate
side effect of the fact that popes generally no longer preside over
beatification ceremonies is that people don't pay as much attention, which
caused the May 25 beatification of Fr. Giuseppe "Pino" Puglisi, the
great anti-Mafia priest of Sicily gunned down in 1993, to pass largely without
comment.
I wrote at the
time that it was the most important beatification of the early 21st century,
and I'm sticking by that diagnosis.
That's because
Puglisi is an ideal patron saint for today's new generation of Christian
martyrs. The number of Christians killed for reasons linked to their faith is
approximately 100,000 every year, with millions more facing other forms of
violent persecution. Puglisi is a compelling symbol not just because he's one
of them, but because his beatification represents a key theological
breakthrough in how Catholicism understands the concept of martyrdom.
Puglisi was pastor
of San Gaetano Parish in the rough-and-tumble Palermo neighborhood of
Brancaccio. He became famous for his strong anti-Mafia stance, refusing to take
their money for feast day celebrations and not allowing dons to march at the
head of processions. He received multiple death threats and, according to the
testimony of one of his hit men (who later confessed), Puglisi's last words
were: "I've been expecting you."
The broader significance of the beatification is this:
Historically, the church has recognized martyrs only if they were killed in odium fidei, meaning hatred of the faith. Puglisi, however, was recognized as
a martyr who died in odium virtutis et veritatis, meaning hatred of virtue and truth.
That category has
always existed in classical Christian theology. Over the centuries, writers
have invoked it to explain why the church regards St. John the Baptist as a
martyr even though he died not for faith in Christ but for criticizing Herod's
immoral conduct. The Puglisi beatification means it's being applied to
sainthood causes and could accommodate many similar situations.
To take a concrete
example, recent days have heard cries from Catholic activists in Ukraine about
the mounting threats they face for standing up for human rights and democracy.
They're being increasingly hassled by security services, not for confessional
motives, but rather the perceived threat they pose to the regime of pro-Russian
President Viktor Yanukovych.
Like those
Ukrainians, many Christians today are menaced not for refusing to sacrifice to
pagan gods or because they dissent from the creed of the prince, but due to
moral and social choices rooted in their faith. That distinction doesn't make
their suffering any less deserving of concern, and it cheapens their sacrifice
to suggest it's not "religious" simply because their oppressors
aren't motivated by explicitly religious concerns.
Driving that point
home is the promise of Blessed Pino of Brancaccio.
2. Scalfari and the perils of
projection
So far, Pope
Francis has had four extended sessions with the press, and while all have been
fascinating, none was more of a blockbuster than the text published by veteran
Italian journalist and nonbeliever Eugenio Scalfari on Oct. 1. Among other
things, the choice by Francis to sit down with one of Italy's most prominent
secular intellectuals was seen as further confirmation of his commitment to
outreach and dialogue.
Memorable lines
from the Scalfari piece included the pope criticizing a
"Vatican-centric" worldview, the assertion that some clergy suffer
from "the leprosy of a royal court," and the mother of all sound
bites, "God is not a Catholic." It also featured Francis describing a
moment before he accepted the papacy when he thought about refusing and exited
the Sistine Chapel to pray in a small room off the balcony overlooking St.
Peter's Square.
That's where the fabric began to unravel, because cardinals who
had been in the Sistine Chapel knew such a moment never happened (and, for that
matter, that there is no small room off the balcony). As questions about the
reliability of the text mounted, Scalfari acknowledged he had neither
tape-recorded his conversation with Francis nor taken notes, so his piece was
an ex post facto reconstruction. The Vatican quietly took
the transcript of the interview off its website, basically conceding that it's
impossible to know where Francis ends and Scalfari begins.
As it turns out,
that wasn't Scalfari's last word on the pope.
On Dec. 29, he published a lengthy essay in La Repubblica presenting the astonishing claim that
Francis, through his emphasis on freedom of conscience, effectively has
"abolished sin" from Catholic teaching.
That claim
inevitably brought a denial from the Vatican spokesman, Jesuit Fr. Federico
Lombardi, who called the idea of a pope taking a red pencil to a classic
Christian doctrine such as sin "impertinent," then politely added
that Scalfari "doesn't always seem comfortable in the biblical and
theological field."
Lombardi might
well have added that anyone who's listened to Francis rail against the
treatment of the poor in the early 21st century shouldn't suffer from any
confusion about whether this pope believes sin is real.
(Once again,
Scalfari also stumbled over a small detail. He wrote that "a few days
ago" Francis canonized St. Ignatius of Loyola, founder of the Jesuits, who
was actually made a saint in 1622. Perhaps Scalfari confused Ignatius with St.
Peter Faber, a Jesuit co-founder Francis did canonize Dec. 17, though Scalfari
insisted in a brief clarification that he was using the term
"canonize" in a metaphorical sense.)
Because the Francis papacy is rapidly evolving, it's fair game for
observers to offer their own interpretations about where it's going and what it
means. The lesson of the Scalfari story, however, is that sometimes,
Rorschach-style psychological projection may come dressed up as analysis, even
as quotation, so the rule of caveat emptor definitely applies.
1. Benedict the revolutionary
Despite images of
Francis as a maverick, by far the single most revolutionary act committed by a
pope in 2013 came from Benedict XVI in the form of his stunning decision to
voluntarily renounce his office. Sometimes lost in the shuffle amid the frenzy
over Francis is that Benedict was actually the prime mover in the drama.
Benedict, of
course, never had much luck when it came to PR.
He came into
office with a prefabricated narrative about being "God's Rottweiler"
and "the Vatican's enforcer" and was never really able to shake it.
In terms of public opinion, the difference between Benedict and Francis is
perhaps best expressed this way: Under Benedict, people assumed that whatever
they didn't like about the church was because of the pope; now, they tend to think
it's in spite of the pope.
As a result, the
tendency is to frame Benedict and Francis almost as matter and antimatter --
tradition vs. innovation, dogmatism vs. compassion, etc. Apart from the
debatable merit of those perceptions, what they ignore is that Francis would
not have happened without Benedict's decision to stand aside.
Equally notable is
the way he's handled his departure. In his final address to the cardinals Feb.
28, Benedict pledged "unconditional reverence and obedience" to his
successor, and he's held up his end of the deal. Other than a private letter he
sent to an Italian atheist that was leaked by the recipient, Benedict has only
been seen or heard in public when Francis has come calling or invited him to
something.
Despite
well-documented umbrage among some about the new direction under Francis,
Benedict has done nothing to encourage a "loyal opposition" or to
legitimize dissent from the new regime.
In effect, Benedict has gone from infallibility to
near-invisibility, and entirely by his own choice. If that's not a
"miracle of humility in an era of vanity," to invoke Elton John's Vanity Fair tribute to Francis back in June, it's hard
to know what would be.
At a substantive
level, several of the reforms for which Francis is drawing credit, including
his cleanup of Vatican finances and his commitment to "zero
tolerance" on sex abuse, amount to continuations of policies that began
under Benedict.
Even if that
weren't the case, the point remains that the "Francis effect" might
have been lost to history without Benedict taking a step no pope had taken in
600 years -- and given the markedly different circumstances, one could argue
it's a step no pope had ever taken in quite this way.
No question about
it, Francis is shaking up the Catholic church and offering it a new lease on
life. For the record, however, he wasn't the only maverick, the only
revolutionary pope, of 2013.
John L. Allen Jr.
| Jan. 3, 2014(www.ncronline.org)
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